By Jonathan Dean Sarris
Most americans contemplate the Civil conflict as a chain of dramatic clashes among vast armies led through romantic-seeming leaders. yet within the Appalachian groups of North Georgia, issues have been very diversified. concentrating on Fannin and Lumpkin counties within the Blue Ridge Mountains alongside Georgia’s northern border, A Separate Civil conflict: groups in clash within the Mountain South argues for a extra localized, idiosyncratic figuring out of this momentous interval in our nation’s background. The publication unearths that, for plenty of individuals, this battle used to be fought much less for summary ideological motives than for purposes tied to domestic, kinfolk, neighbors, and community.
Making use of a giant trove of letters, diaries, interviews, govt files, and sociological facts, Jonathan Dean Sarris brings to existence a formerly obscured model of our nation’s so much divisive and harmful struggle. From the outset, the possibility of secession and conflict divided Georgia’s mountain groups alongside the strains of race and faith, and struggle itself merely heightened those tensions. because the accomplice govt started to draft males into the military and grab provides from farmers, many mountaineers grew to become extra disaffected nonetheless. They banded jointly in armed squads, struggling with off accomplice infantrymen, country military, and their very own pro-Confederate pals. a neighborhood civil conflict ensued, with either side seeing the opposite as a possibility to legislations, order, and neighborhood itself. during this very own clash, either factions got here to dehumanize their enemies and use equipment that stunned even professional infantrymen with their savagery. but if the warfare used to be over in 1865, each one faction sought to sanitize the previous and combine its tales into the nationwide myths later popularized concerning the Civil warfare. via arguing that the cause of picking out aspects had extra to do with neighborhood issues than with competing ideologies or social or political visions, Sarris provides a much-needed hardship to the query of why males fought within the Civil War.
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Extra info for A Separate Civil War: Communities in Conflict in the Mountain South
55 He was also a precocious politician. At the age of twenty-one, he was an accomplished stump speaker who energized Gilmer voters with pro-Jackson, pro-Union rhetoric. Due to natural charisma and considerable social and economic influence, Chastain never lost a campaign in north Georgia. At age thirty-nine, he ran successfully for the state senate from Gilmer County, a seat that he held for ten years. S. Congress from Georgia’s fifth district. He retired from Congress in 1854 to become an instrumental figure in the formation of Fannin County, which he represented in the state legislature.
They sold surplus produce to feed the voracious miners in the Copper Basin, or drove hogs and other livestock to Asheville, Charlotte, or Savannah. But most of these farmers likely sought a different economic path. indb 37 4/24/06 11:15:07 AM 38 / A Separate Civil War of self-sufficiency and economic independence. For the Germain family, this dream came true in the relatively unsettled mountains of Fannin County. One of the Germain children recalled growing up near Morganton during the 1850s in somewhat idyllic terms: “The sturdy mountaineers raised all the food their families ate.
Most significantly, the controversy over nullification of federal authority dominated local news during much of 1833. The presence of states’ rights spokesman John C. Calhoun in Auraria during the gold rush lent an air of urgency to national events as perceived in Lumpkin. The local press, stubbornly pro-nullification, lionized Calhoun as “the distinguished statesman . . 36 Throughout most of the antebellum period Lumpkin County was solidly Democratic. Like many frontier residents, north Georgians embraced Andrew Jackson’s rough-hewn, aggressively masculine, populist image.